David Archer Hereford and Worcester Fire Brigade, UK
Keywords: Bullying, Eire, Fire services, Organizational behaviour, United Kingdom, USA
Type of Article: Survey, Theoretical with application in practice
This paper is drawn from a research project into the influences of power and culture on bullying and harassment within the Fire Service, conducted using fire brigades of similar background from the UK, the USA and Eire. It discovered bullying within the Fire Service in two contexts: inappropriate behaviour by managers, such as intimidation, threats and the intimidating use of discipline; and bullying within groups, which is the most influential, and potentially the most damaging to individuals. This occurs within the group that is heavily dependent on the socialisation processes of acceptance, normalisation, indoctrination and preservation of hierarchy. It is also argued that the bullying of individuals because of their sex or race remains an aspect of Fire Service culture and is perpetuated by some to ensure the continuation of the white male culture.
Content Indicators: Readability**, Practice Implications**, Originality**, Research Implications**
Introduction to Fire Service culture
The Fire Service, along with similar organisations such as the Police, Military, and Health Service, is characterised by its strong culture. It is rank structured and power based, has a discipline code which is highly prescriptive, promotes uniformed individuals from within the service only, and from within individual fire brigades in the main. It has long-standing traditions and is predominantly white male-dominated in the UK. High regard is placed on acceptance by the group and group membership. The Fire Service operates in very tightly formed teams that spend a lot of time working and socialising together. There is no more powerful a sanction than being omitted from the group. Management is particularly authoritarian and very hierarchical. In these and other respects it may be said that the Fire Service operates within a para-military culture.
One reason for this prevailing culture may lie in the induction to the service through basic recruit training, to which all personnel are subjected as a result of the single tier entry system which exists in the UK Fire Service. Many Fire Service training centres have in the past functioned along the lines of the Army "boot camp", where shouting at recruits, strict discipline, punitive sanctions and threats were predominant, leading to coercion becoming as important as education. Another similarity with the military has occurred due to the introduction of women into the front line fire-fighting service and front line armed forces in the UK. Subsequent reports about how women have been treated by their peers and managers across these services have many disturbing parallels to those exposed in the Tailhook Case (Schmitt,1995).
The Fire Service also finds itself operating in an alliance of cultures: bureaucracy and role underpin the managerial systems, while power becomes the managerial style. Handy (1997) believes that if the appropriate culture prevails where the sympathetic activities prevail, then the organisation will be more effective. Further, he contends that organisations based on policy and with a degree of crisis management are principally power-based cultures. Within the operational activities of the Fire Service is a culture based on power, that is to say rank and position with unargued obedience to orders and instructions is appropriate and does involve sympathetic activities. To this end the Fire Service is very effective in its primary role of fire-fighting and rescue. The difficulties experienced within managerial and interpersonal relationships surface within the non-operational periods of activity where the cultures of power and bureaucracy (or role) form an uneasy alliance.
An organisation which is a hybrid of both power and role needs to guard against the complexities of over-legislation and the frustration of those who cannot cope with either the lack of opportunity or the nature of their role. McCarthy et al. (1995) discuss the part organisational downsizing and de-layering plays in an increase in managerial bullying. Partly bullying is fostered through a lack of role clarity and stress caused by uncertainty.
The introduction of more educationally qualified officers into the service, an education system that supports advancement to principal officer level, together with the need to reflect the financial principle of "best value" are all beginning to put pressure on the culture to change. The result is a manifestation of the attitudes of the organisation expressed by the behaviour of its personnel. Many managers have a feeling of ownership of their own small stake-holder groups, shifts (referred to as watches), stations and departments. Ownership is designed as a tool to impart a sense of responsibility and accountability, but this must also involve a measure of empowerment. At the Manufacturing, Science and Finance Union Conference on Bullying, Adams (1995) warned "since empowerment appears to be a management buzz word for the 90s, then recognition of the subtle, devious and hidden forms of workplace bullying is essential." It is the behaviour of these managers that can both affect and influence others.
Methodology
Questionnaires, such as those used by the Manufacturing, Science and Finance Union (MSF) (1995) and Rayner (1995) have dominated UK bullying research. It was decided to repeat this approach to generate quantitative data regarding the scale and nature of the problem. In addition, qualitative data were sought to explore the issue of culture within the Fire Service. Interviews, followed by content analysis were seen as the most appropriate forms of data gathering and analysis. It was expected that a triangulation of the two methods would strengthen and enhance the reported findings.
Quantitative research
In order that the sample could be considered representative of the national service, the survey included county brigades across a geographic spread of the country and a total sample size of 2,370 was achieved for survey distribution. This represents 10.9 per cent of the total population of approximately 22,000. The response rate was 19.1 per cent (760 replies). In addition a further 1,600 questionnaires were sent to the two participating overseas brigades (USA and Eire).
The questionnaire was based on previous designs (e.g. Manufacturing Science and Finance Union, 1995; Rayner 1995). The questionnaires provided a definition of bullying, asked respondents about their experiences at work and also asked them to label their involvement with bullying. Through such labels sub-groups of victims and witnesses were generated. Analysis of results identified non-parametric data that led to the use of Spearman's rank correlation (r) and the Kruskal-Wallis test or (h) test for analysis of variance.
Qualitative research
Two distinct groups were sought for interview. The first group included those who have experienced bullying directly as a victim or as a witness. The second group included those who have had to deal with the outcomes of incidents of bullying and harassment including senior officers, equal opportunities managers, welfare officers, occupational health doctors and union officials. A total of 21 people were interviewed, either in person or by telephone, and all agreed to the tape recording of their interview.
All interviewees were interviewed using the same semi-structured plan. The phrasing of the questions varied slightly according to the background of the interviewees. They were asked to consider the following five issues. First, the interviewee's own experience of bullying and harassment. Second, the cause of the instances of harassment and bullying. Third, the interviewee's perceptions of the perpetrator's personality. Fourth, the types of bullying behaviour exhibited. And finally, what the interviewee felt could be done to prevent re-occurrence of the bullying incidents.
The content analysis methodology (Dey, 1993) was selected for this work. This required transposing of the relevant data into categories identified by the research. The category sets chosen for the analysis of data were personal/position power (Yukl and Falbe, 1991) and motivation (Le Poidevin, 1996). The research questions generated a further three category sets for explorative work and these were: culture, exhibited behaviour, and preventative measures by the individual and organisation.
The data contained in the interview transcripts were segmented into "databits", which are manageable chunks of information easily attributed to a category. The databits in each category were then further broken down into sub categories and conclusions drawn by the number of responses in each category. While this is a crude method of analysis and does not allow for strength of feeling to be included, it was considered to be appropriate for research primarily aimed at determining the scale of a problem, which is not fully recognised by many senior managers within the Service.
Wherever possible the data have also been categorised into the responses of: managers, union officials and victims/witnesses of bullying. This paper focuses on bullying and the role of culture using qualitative interview data supported by examples from the quantitative questionnaire research.
The culture of managers
It was identified that managers do behave in a way they perceive to be expected of them by the organisation. Opinion was expressed in this research that organisations were not troubled by, and sometimes encouraged, the behaviour of managers who are defined as "strong managers". By contrast, such encouragement was perceived by some employees to condone behaviour that would sometimes be considered by other organisations as unacceptable. One such example, reported by a Brigade equal opportunities officer, was "When we referred to the person as an officer bully the reply was, 'He gets things done"'. It was emphasised that because of the reliance on line management support for achieving Brigade objectives, any manager that uses bullying techniques does, by definition, make bullying an influential process of getting things done. More worrying is the observation that people who are not bullies will adopt bullying behaviours if they see these behaviours as influential and valued. For example, a Brigade equal opportunities officer observed that "People can learn that behaviour if they think it is going to get them promotion."
The results of the questionnaire supported this finding. For respondents who identified as harassers, 46 per cent agreed that they were treated similarly at the same point in their career. Of those who identified as victims, 46 per cent agreed the harasser was treated similarly at the same time in his or her career. For those who identified themselves as witnesses, 44 per cent agreed the harasser was treated similarly at the same time in his or her career.
In addition, more than 20 per cent of respondents consistently reported experiences of bullying. Setting unachievable work objectives were reported by 26 per cent. Intimidatory use of discipline was mentioned by 25 per cent. Intimidation and threats were reported by 21 per cent. Denial of access to training was mentioned by 20 per cent.
Analysis of managerial position and its influence on types of bullying behaviour was tested to establish whether position influenced the type of behaviour. The analysis showed that the setting of unachievable work objectives increased slightly with managerial position (r = 0.17, p < 0.01) while the increase in the intimidating use of discipline was far more pronounced (h = 42.1, p < 0.001), which also correlated with greater significance (r = 0.32, p < 0.001). It was also identified that the intimidating use of discipline was a learned or repeated behaviour as victims reported that it occurred to themselves at the same point in their career as that of the career of the harasser (h = 17.3, p < 0.01). It was also felt that this behaviour was cultural (h = 10.8, p < 0.05).
The culture of groups
There are a number of different groups within the Fire Service. Managers represent one type of group and each individual fire brigade is a member of a larger national group. However, this research study centres on group activities at the fire station. The reason for this is the importance of effective functional teams for successful fire-fighting and rescue operations. There is no research evidence to suggest that the effectiveness of fire-fighting teams is compromised by interpersonal difficulties. However, because the total work time spent on such duties is comparatively small, there is ample opportunity for relationships within the group to degenerate into situations which can cause distress and ultimately lead to poor performance, absenteeism or resignation. It was clear during the analysis of the data categorised under the heading "Culture", that several subcategories were emerging. A discussion of the four sub-categories follows.
Maintenance of tradition and hierarchical structure
The normalising of certain behaviours and passing them off as tradition within the Fire Service or within the group was evident. This allowed the continuing ridicule of new members in order to maintain a rank order and status within the group. For example, a Manager, Station Commander stated:
He was only acting up [temporary promotion to cover a shortage of personnel]; a young LF [1st line manager]. They crucified him for it because he'd been in a couple of years and they felt it was an affront to their dignity that he was put in charge of them.
A victim, fire-fighter stated:
I think it's tradition in the fire brigade that what we now class as bullying has always been teasing and it has been stuff which everybody is supposed to put up with.
White male dominance
This refers to the bullying of individuals because of their sex or race due to a desire by some groups to perpetuate the continuation of the white male culture. For example, a manager, principal officer said, "Those are the ones I call Iron Heads, they just don't get it and they're willing to break the rules to prove a point."
Indoctrination and initiation
The ridicule and teasing of new recruits is sometimes referred to as horseplay. It is designed to indoctrinate the new arrival into the group and is usually defended as team building, character building and bonding. For example, one respondent, a manager, senior officer stated, "On the stations there is still physical abuse of individuals, particularly at the recruit stage, but it is accepted as horseplay."
Socialisation
The group's behavioural norms become the predominant feature in the group's life and all newcomers are required to conform. Individuals are picked upon because they are different in some way to the remainder of the group. One fire-fighter reported:
The fire-fighter who came in a year after me was more like they were and he didn't get what I got. He conformed to the stereotype. The guy who joined the watch two years later, who had more time in than me, took a lot of flack as well because he was more like me.
The sub-categories are set out in Table I. Sub-categorised databit analysis showing the numbers of recorded databits for each sub-category within the category of culture . The table shows the numbers of recorded responses for each subcategory within the category of culture. Further analysis and interpretation under each of the subcategories then follows.
Maintenance of tradition and hierarchical structure
Managers who acknowledge the existence of tradition could encourage anti-social behaviour. Although not condoned, it was passed off as normal in a disciplined uniform culture, and part of the nature of the organisation. A fire-fighter stated, "The tradition is that this is the way everybody gets treated but everybody cannot handle it in the same way. The tradition hurts a lot of guys." Attention was drawn to the semi-military structure of the organisation, although the predominant analysis of manager's data reveals long serving fire-fighters, who are institutionalised and bound by custom and practice, to be a part of the problem.
This can be interpreted as an acknowledgement of the existence of the "we've always done it like this" syndrome which is very difficult to change. Managers also identified that one of the problems of bullying behaviour is that it is not recognised. This is because of the culture of the service that accepts as traditional, behaviour that other organisations may recognise as bullying.
White male dominance
A manager who was also the Brigade equal opportunities officer stated that, "Anyone can be a victim of bullying - but if you are in a minority by either gender or race - the likelihood is dramatically increased." The references by managers refer exclusively to the behaviour of personnel on fire stations. There was acknowledgement of the difficulties faced by minority group members joining a fire station. There was also a frustration that, despite training and a considerable passage of time, there are still individuals who do not accept the inclusion of women - and to a lesser extent, members of ethnic minority groups - into the Fire Service. Analysis of the union officials' data produced similar outcomes.
This was particularly identified as an issue for the brigade from the USA, because of the high number of black and ethnic minority fire-fighters in this brigade. This presently stands at 40 per cent, which is far higher than the UK average of less than 1 per cent. This may mean that the data are somewhat skewed. The test for offensive racist remarks applied to the questionnaire data gave the highest result of all test scores in the survey, with over 39 per cent of those responding reporting it occurring constantly or frequently.
Indoctrination and initiation
Managers in this sub category focused their attention on the initiation of new recruits. There was an acceptance that part of the continuation of this process has been caused by the actions of previous management in not prohibiting this behaviour. "I was harassed when I started, it makes a man of you - it builds character", stated a manager, who was also the Brigade equal opportunities officer. This has now been addressed in many brigades. Nonetheless, an undercurrent of abuse of new members on watches and stations still persists. Senior management are aware of the abuse and line managers find it difficult to influence change for precisely the same reasons that the abuse is occurring - "it has always been like this". This is compounded by the reluctance to complain because of the hold that the group members have over this new member who is anxious to be accepted.
The union official's data focusing on the initiation of new group members supported the previous view. There was an appreciation from the union officials that new group members may not report bullying behaviour because they consider it part of the process of joining the group and a situation they have to accept.
The victims in this sub-category perceive the behaviour associated with initiation and horseplay as a part of the process of acceptance. They could not see any way of avoiding it and accept it as part of the job. It was a matter about which they were advised not to complain, but to put up with until it was the turn of someone else.
Socialisation
This sub-category provided the largest amount of data of which 46 references came from the victims. The predominant behaviour mentioned was exclusion and isolation. However, union officials made no mention of this type of bullying. Similarly managers did not dwell on issues surrounding the socialisation process which may result in bullying behaviour, even though exclusion from the group is a recognised form of sexual or racial harassment, as well as bullying. For example, a union official stated, "There's no room for diversity on watches, they are looking for a type. If the person doesn't conform then the culture is we have got to change the person to meet the type."
The reason for little acknowledgement from those other than victims may lie in the form of bullying involved. Individual differences that resulted in this anti-social behaviour included: not liking football, not wishing to go to the pub every day, possessing a university degree, being female, being young, being black or just being keen to pass examinations. All of these are fairly innocuous and, unless specifically mentioned by victims either as a complaint or comment, may pass unnoticed by managers and union officials.
In addition, it is natural for a new member of any group to want to be included in group activities. If the group's initial reaction to the new member is exclusion then the victim has perhaps only two options available. The first is to either wait or challenge the group and hope that the behaviour will change. The second is to complain, which will run the risk of making the matter worse before any improvement.
During the interviews, victims identified isolation and exclusion as a predominant form of bullying behaviour within the group. It was decided to test the questionnaire to see if there was any relationship with culture and tradition. Only the combination with the threat to position or power was identified as significant (h = 18.7, p < 0.001). The high correlation and significance indicate that as the fear of the threat increases so does the likelihood of exclusion (r = 0.28, p < 0.001). This is a behaviour which might be more expected from an individual in a position of power who is worried or feels threatened by a subordinate. This aspect is difficult to reconcile with the interview data that identified the majority of isolation as exclusion from group activities. It is possible the threat perceived by the group could relate to that which is posed by a new arrival, in that the addition of a new member may threaten the preservation of their group activities or norms.
The behaviour detailed in Table II. Behaviours related to white male dominance was reported as occurring constantly by 20 per cent or more of all respondents.
The questionnaire data were tested to establish what behaviour could be considered to be cultural. Witnesses who felt that the bullying behaviour was cultural identified three types of behaviour that was statistically significant: first, offensive sexual innuendo/remarks (h = 17.6, p < 0.01), second, being targeted by the group when volunteers were called for (h = 11.0, p < 0.05), and third unnecessary physical contact (h = 11.4, p < 0.05).
Tests also revealed that victims of bullying reported that being targeted by the group when volunteers were called for was considered behaviour that they felt was "learned". This was also statistically significant (h = 14.1, p < 0.01).
The analysis of the victims' data gave two conflicting outcomes. The tradition of the service was cited as a reason for the type of behaviour to which victims were subjected with a matter of fact acceptance that this is what happens and it is unlikely to change. Tradition, culture and the fact that it has always happened was mentioned on 68 per cent of occasions in this sub-section.
By contrast there is an attitude within the group that recognises complaining about their behaviour as disloyal. In responding to the statement, "The harasser felt that it isn't personal - it is Fire Service culture and should be expected", the following results are reported. A total of 71 per cent of harassers agreed with the statement, while 66 per cent of victims also agreed. In addition, 70 per cent of witnesses agreed.
Questionnaire data were tested to establish the types of behaviour felt to be cultural by examining behaviour which occurred at the same point in the career of the harasser and the behaviour which the respondent felt to be cultural and not personal. Witnesses to bullying reported that the type of behaviour which occurred at the same point in the career of the harasser was the display of offensive material (h = 11.1, p < 0.05) and that the type of behaviour felt to be cultural and not personal was offensive racist remarks (h = 14.5, p < 0.01).
Analysis was undertaken in an effort to determine whether or not the type of bullying behaviour is influenced by the race or sex of the victim. Data were used from those who identified the motivation for their experience as racial or sexual. Results of significance were obtained from three tests. The test for offensive racist remarks gave the highest result of all of the tests in the survey and was identified within the frequently and constantly categories by 39 per cent of the respondents (h = 35.3, p < 0.001). The test for offensive sexual remarks gave a much lower result of less significance than that of offensive racist remarks (h = 18.2, p < 0.01). Displays of offensive material attracted the lower of the three scores (h = 13.1, p < 0.01).
The preceding information may seem obvious, but the questionnaire data revealed that where race or sex are factors in the motivation for bullying, then the bullying behaviour would reflect this difference. It is important to identify the motive behind this behaviour. For example, when a recruit fire-fighter joins a fire station, there is a possibility that the "normal" behaviour shown towards him or her, such as horseplay, or initiation ceremonies may be influenced by any sexual or racial difference to the remainder of the group. As a result the individual may face the same ordeal as every other new recruit and, even though the primary motivation for this bullying is cultural and not necessarily racial or sexual, it may be classed as racial or sexual harassment, thereby masking a serious aspect of the problem.
Conclusion
It may be construed from the findings of this research that the bullying nature of the Fire Service is endemic and that this is potentially one reason for its apparent acceptance. It is certainly the case that some of the most widely reported outcomes of bullying and harassment are not recognised by the management of the Service. This view is well supported by the results of the qualitative interview research regarding socialisation within a group, particularly with reference to isolation and exclusion which is predominant amongst the largest of groups - the fire-fighter group. Managers and union officials did not consider such behaviour in interviews. It is suggested that such results could be one outcome of the single tier entry system operated in the UK Fire Service - where all personnel join as a fire-fighter and progress through the ranks. Thus, officers and managers will have experienced the behaviour themselves, either directly or indirectly. Such exposure may provide depth to the existence of a valued and shared tradition within the Fire Service where some behaviours are ignored by senior staff thus implying their acceptance.
Similar patterns can also be found when examining the abuse of formal power within the code of discipline. There is an acceptance at all levels that this does occur and that it is a cultural or traditional aspect of the Service. This is supported by the contention made by Howell (1996) that the senior officers perpetuate the culture of the Service. The issue for the Service may, however, actually be one of familiarity. Familiarity with power abuse may prevent its destructive outcomes from being properly recognised or identified. Those who are the targets of abuse may be complicit in the process (perhaps through a desire to conform) leading to few complaints to managers or union officials. This is an issue explored by analysing the views of Baumeister et al. (1996), who described the value of self esteem, a favourable opinion of oneself, as including qualities such as arrogance, egotism, pride and a sense of superiority. If the bully is sensitive to his or her position and also has some of these qualities it is possible that the newly promoted individual may become a target by the bully. The bully may feel either under threat by the arrival of the individual or may have a desire to assert his/her authority over them.
The view of Hern Shepherd (cited by Howell, 1996) that fire-fighters have formed a culture that is dependent upon authority but in which individuals have a high opinion of themselves, tends to support this contention but it is an area which may prove worthy of further research. With fewer complaints managers and union officials can keep the negative aspect of abuse of power at a distance. It is also possible that this familiarity is quite comfortable to those in positions of authority, being a subconscious reminiscence of their own past. It is therefore not new to them, does not come as a surprise or shock, and consequently not recognised by the service at any level. Indeed, another empirical study (Hereford and Worcester Fire Brigade, 1998) conducted within the author's own brigade, demonstrated a complete lack of awareness of exclusion and isolation as issues incorporated within bullying or discrimination. This was despite the workforce expressing a view that they would include such behaviour as part of bullying or harassment.
This research has supported the existence of a potential problem for the Fire Service. The Service is experiencing difficulties which are unlikely to be dissimilar to similar highly entrenched organisations. Coping with highly stressed and life-threatening situations requires good teamworking with unquestioned obedience to instructions. Moreover, an ability to bond or share feelings as a result of stress inducing situations, makes it crucial for all individuals to feel valued and supported by their peers. Where this support is replaced by isolation, the usual effects of adult workplace bullying could become exacerbated, with potentially greater consequences for the individual.
In order to counteract the cultural support of bullying by the Service, the Service must pursue cultural changes already initiated by the introduction of both health and safety and equal ppportunities legislation. The problem of addressing workplace bullying in the Fire Service will require a review of the way it treats currently accepted behaviour. O'Brien (1997) contends that where there is a strong authoritarian leadership, other personnel may emulate this behaviour and believe that negative behaviour is acceptable. However, it has to be acknowledged that it takes a long time to effect cultural change. The first recognisable Fire Brigade was formed in 1833 and the culture has been developing since then, at one stage becoming heavily associated with naval culture, hence some of the naval expressions. The service has only opened its doors to women fire-fighters within the last 20 years and progress has been slow.
Bullying has been recognised only recently and there is a reluctance to accept it happening at all due in part to ignorance. What will help is a review of the way the service manages incidents of sexual and racial harassment, particularly in investigating the cause of such behaviour. Consideration could be given to the part that workplace culture plays in other manifested behaviour. It is only the training undertaken as a direct result of the introduction of women and members of ethnic minority communities that has identified the separate issue of bullying between groups and individuals with no sexual or racial differences. The single-tier entry system ensures that all officers pass through the same experiential processes, role and rank structures. Two-tier entry systems operated in other countries allow entry to the service for engineer degree qualified people at principal officer level. This may be too high in position terms to be able to influence the bullying culture lower down the managerial scale. A better compromise may be in the form of a fast tracking system similar to the Police Service, where all entrants get a feel for all roles but are fast tracked through to senior positions. This may prevent the de-sensitising of individuals to inappropriate behaviour. It is a view that may be worthy of further research.
Table I. Sub-categorised databit analysis showing the numbers of recorded databits for each sub-category within the category of culture
Table II. Behaviours related to white male dominance
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Copyright © 1999 MCB. All rights reserved International Journal of Manpower, Vol 20 Issue 1/2 Date 1999 ISSN 0143-7720
